Tag Archives: execution

The Landscape and Cost of Execution in England

For centuries, execution in England was not simply a punishment.

It was an event.

A condemned prisoner had to be transported from prison to the place of execution. Officials had to accompany them. Soldiers or constables might be required to control enormous crowds. Gallows sometimes had to be erected, repaired or transported. Executioners and their assistants expected payment. Ropes had to be purchased. Graves had to be dug. Bodies had to be removed, buried, dissected or displayed.

And somebody had to pay for all of it.

The familiar image of an English execution — a prisoner standing beneath a gallows while an executioner prepares the rope — therefore conceals an entire administrative and financial system.

Behind the scaffold stood clerks, sheriffs, carpenters, gaolers, constables, surgeons, undertakers, labourers and government officials.

Death had a bureaucracy.

And death sent in its bills.

A Landscape of Death

There was never one single English place of execution.

Instead, execution sites formed a grim landscape scattered across the country.

London alone possessed several locations associated with different periods, jurisdictions and types of offender.

Tyburn became perhaps the most famous ordinary execution site in England.

Smithfield became particularly associated with burning, including the execution of religious heretics.

Tower Hill acquired associations with executions of prominent prisoners, particularly members of the aristocracy and those convicted of treason.

The Tower of London itself witnessed comparatively rare private executions of exceptionally prominent prisoners.

Elsewhere, executions took place outside city walls, near prisons, on commons, hills and roads, and eventually directly outside gaols.

These locations were not chosen accidentally.

Public execution was intended to be seen.

The Journey Was Part of the Punishment

For the condemned, execution often began long before reaching the gallows.

The journey itself could become theatre.

The most famous example was the procession from Newgate Prison to Tyburn.

Condemned prisoners travelled through crowded London streets towards the gallows at what is now the vicinity of Marble Arch.

Spectators lined the route.

Windows could become viewing positions. Taverns benefited from the passing crowds. Hawkers sold food, drink and printed accounts of crimes and supposed final confessions.

Execution existed within an economy even before the prisoner reached the scaffold.

The authorities intended punishment to become a warning.

Entrepreneurs recognised a market.

The Gallows

We often imagine the gallows as permanent fixtures.

Sometimes they were.

Tyburn’s famous Triple Tree, introduced in the sixteenth century, was a substantial triangular gallows capable of accommodating numerous prisoners.

But execution structures elsewhere could require construction, repair or modification.

That meant timber.

Carpenters.

Labour.

Carts.

Ropes.

Platforms.

Barriers.

Every item potentially appeared in an account somewhere.

A scaffold required sufficient strength to hold the condemned, executioner and officials. For beheadings, a platform might need to provide both visibility and working space.

For particularly elaborate punishments, still more equipment might be required.

The state could condemn a person to death with a few words.

Actually killing them could be surprisingly expensive.

Who Paid?

Historically, responsibility for executions was distributed among different authorities and changed considerably over time.

The sheriff traditionally carried major responsibility for carrying out sentences of death.

That responsibility was not merely ceremonial.

Arrangements had to be made.

Personnel had to be found.

Expenses had to be recorded.

Local authorities, counties, prisons and eventually central government became involved in different ways depending upon period and jurisdiction.

This explains why historians can sometimes reconstruct executions through surviving financial records.

An execution could leave behind not only trial documents and newspaper reports but invoices.

History occasionally records death through bookkeeping.

Paying the Executioner

Executioners did not generally perform their work purely from civic enthusiasm.

They expected payment.

But the history of English executioners is complicated because for much of the earlier period there was no simple modern profession of a permanently salaried national executioner.

Different arrangements operated at different times and places.

By the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, execution became increasingly professionalised. Men such as William Marwood, James Berry, the Billington family and eventually Albert Pierrepoint developed reputations as specialist executioners.

They could travel considerable distances to perform executions.

That created additional expenses.

There might be railway fares.

Accommodation.

Meals.

Fees for assistants.

Payment for the execution itself.

Even an executioner had travelling expenses.

The Rope Was Not Just a Rope

Hanging equipment also evolved.

Earlier English hanging generally involved relatively short drops or simply removing the support beneath the condemned.

Death might result from strangulation rather than immediate disruption of the neck.

During the nineteenth century, executioners increasingly attempted to make hanging quicker and more predictable.

William Marwood became associated with the long-drop method, introduced in England during the 1870s.

The length of the drop was adjusted according to the prisoner’s physical characteristics.

Too little force could result in prolonged strangulation.

Too much could cause catastrophic injury, including decapitation.

The executioner therefore increasingly became a technician.

The rope had to be prepared.

The prisoner’s weight and build had to be considered.

The apparatus had to be tested.

Execution was becoming less of a public spectacle and more of a controlled procedure.

The Crowd Was Expensive

Public execution created another major problem:

people came to watch.

Sometimes tens of thousands of them.

Large crowds required policing.

Constables had to maintain order.

Barriers might be required.

Traffic and access had to be controlled.

Officials worried about pickpockets, drunkenness, disorder and crushing.

Ironically, executions intended to demonstrate the majesty of law frequently produced scenes that critics regarded as degrading.

Charles Dickens famously attacked the behaviour of crowds attending public executions.

The crowd was supposed to receive a moral lesson.

Instead, critics increasingly believed it was receiving entertainment.

And Everyone Else Made Money

If execution cost the authorities money, it made money for others.

Publicans did excellent business.

Street vendors sold food and alcohol.

Printers produced broadsides recounting the prisoner’s crimes.

Supposed confessions and last speeches were sold to spectators.

Ballads might transform murder into popular entertainment almost immediately.

People could even pay for advantageous viewing positions.

Windows and balconies overlooking execution sites became commercially valuable.

The condemned person had become the centre of a temporary marketplace.

This uncomfortable combination of punishment and commerce was one reason public execution increasingly troubled reformers.

Executing the Rich and Powerful

Not every execution looked like Tyburn.

Status mattered.

A common criminal might hang before a huge crowd.

A person of sufficiently elevated rank convicted of treason might be beheaded.

The location could also convey status.

Executions on Tower Hill were particularly associated with prominent prisoners.

Exceptionally favoured prisoners might be executed privately within the Tower precincts.

Even death reflected England’s class system.

And specialist forms of execution created specialist expenses.

A scaffold might have to be constructed.

An executioner skilled with an axe might have to be obtained.

The block, axe, sawdust and arrangements for the body all formed part of the event.

When the Executioner Had to Travel

This could create extraordinary situations.

An executioner was not necessarily waiting conveniently beside the prison.

For a beheading or other specialist execution, an appropriate executioner might need to be summoned from elsewhere.

Travel in pre-modern England was slow and unreliable.

Bad roads, weather and distance could delay proceedings.

The machinery of royal justice therefore depended upon remarkably ordinary things:

horses,

roads,

carpenters,

messengers,

accommodation,

and people arriving when expected.

The drama of the scaffold rested upon logistics.

Hanging, Drawing and Quartering

The traditional punishment for male high treason demonstrates just how elaborate execution could become.

The condemned could be drawn to the place of execution, hanged, subjected historically to mutilation and finally dismembered, although the precise practice and severity varied across centuries.

This required considerably more than a rope.

A horse and hurdle might be needed for transportation.

An executioner and assistants were required.

Cutting implements were needed.

The remains then had to be dealt with.

Quarters or heads might be transported elsewhere for public display.

Once again punishment became geography.

A body could be divided and distributed so that the warning extended far beyond the original scaffold.

London Bridge, city gates and other conspicuous locations became places where the state displayed the physical consequences of treason.

The Cost Did Not End at Death

After an execution, there was still work to do.

The body had to go somewhere.

Ordinary executed prisoners might be buried.

Others were anatomised or dissected, particularly following the Murder Act 1752, which sought to add further terror and disgrace to punishment for murder.

Bodies could therefore pass into the hands of surgeons.

Earlier traitors might have their heads or quarters publicly displayed.

Someone had to transport those remains.

Someone had to prepare them.

Someone had to erect whatever structure supported them.

Someone eventually had to remove what remained.

Execution generated expenses even after the condemned person was dead.

From Tyburn to Newgate

One of the great changes in London’s execution landscape occurred in 1783.

Executions at Tyburn ended.

Thereafter, London’s public executions were principally conducted outside Newgate Prison.

The long procession from Newgate to Tyburn disappeared.

The condemned now travelled only a short distance from cell to scaffold.

This had practical advantages.

Security was easier.

Transportation was simpler.

The authorities had greater control over proceedings.

But the crowds did not disappear.

Instead, spectators packed the streets around Newgate.

The theatre of execution had moved rather than vanished.

The End of the Public Scaffold

By the nineteenth century, opposition to public execution had grown substantially.

The spectacle was increasingly seen as brutalising rather than educational.

The Capital Punishment Amendment Act 1868 ended public executions in Britain.

Executions moved behind prison walls.

That fundamentally altered the landscape.

The crowd disappeared.

The procession disappeared.

The street vendors disappeared.

The rented windows disappeared.

The execution itself became something witnessed only by a small number of officials.

But the expenses remained.

The executioner still had to be paid.

The rope and apparatus still had to be maintained.

Officials still attended.

A doctor had to confirm death.

The body still required disposal.

Execution had ceased to be public theatre.

It had become an administrative procedure.

The Execution Shed

By the twentieth century, British hanging had become astonishingly organised.

Prisons containing execution facilities developed dedicated execution rooms or sheds.

The condemned cell was often positioned close to the gallows.

This was deliberate.

Officials wanted the period between leaving the cell and dropping through the trap to be extremely short.

The executioner arrived beforehand.

The prisoner was observed discreetly so that height, weight and physical condition could be assessed.

The apparatus was inspected and tested.

The drop was calculated.

Assistants knew their positions.

At the appointed hour, the executioner entered the cell.

The prisoner’s arms were secured.

The condemned person was moved rapidly onto the trap.

Legs were restrained.

The hood was applied.

The noose positioned.

The lever was pulled.

The entire procedure could take seconds.

Centuries earlier, an execution might have involved a long journey through cheering and jeering crowds.

Modern British execution sought precisely the opposite:

speed,

privacy,

predictability,

and administrative control.

The Strange Economics of Capital Punishment

Execution therefore had two economies.

There was the official economy:

executioner,

assistants,

transport,

scaffold,

rope,

carpenters,

constables,

prison officials,

medical personnel,

burial.

And there was the unofficial economy:

taverns,

food sellers,

printers,

ballad sellers,

viewing positions,

souvenirs,

and crowds spending money.

The state produced the spectacle.

Private enterprise gathered around it.

In some respects, the scaffold functioned almost like a macabre public festival.

That contradiction ultimately became difficult to defend.

The authorities insisted that execution was solemn justice.

The crowd frequently treated it as entertainment.

The Geography of Power

The location of execution was never incidental.

Tyburn proclaimed ordinary criminal justice.

Smithfield acquired its terrible association with religious persecution and burning.

Tower Hill demonstrated what could happen when powerful people committed treason.

Newgate transformed punishment into an urban spectacle immediately outside the prison.

Finally, the prison wall swallowed the entire performance.

That progression tells us something profound about changing attitudes towards punishment.

For centuries the state wanted people to see death.

Later it became increasingly embarrassed by people watching it.

The scaffold moved from the roadside and marketplace to the prison gate.

Then it moved behind the wall.

Eventually, in Britain, it disappeared altogether.

Death and the Accountant

Perhaps one of the strangest surviving perspectives on historical execution comes not from the scaffold but from the account book.

A dramatic historical narrative may tell us that someone was condemned and executed.

An expense account asks different questions.

Who built the scaffold?

How much timber was required?

Who transported the executioner?

Who bought the rope?

Who paid the constables?

Who removed the body?

These mundane questions restore something important to our understanding of capital punishment.

Execution was not an abstract sentence.

It required people to make it happen.

Every scaffold had to be built.

Every prisoner had to be transported.

Every rope had to be obtained.

Every body had eventually to be removed.

Behind the terrifying ceremonial language of justice stood something remarkably ordinary:

an invoice.

And perhaps nothing reveals the institutionalisation of execution more clearly than that.

The state could turn the deliberate killing of a human being into a list of expenses to be entered neatly into a ledger.

Tim Alderman ©️2026

Tyburn: The Road to the Gallows

Today, Marble Arch stands at one of the busiest intersections in London.

Oxford Street stretches eastwards. Park Lane runs south beside Hyde Park. Traffic circulates around an area filled with shops, hotels, buses, commuters and tourists.

Few people hurrying through it would immediately associate the neighbourhood with death.

Yet for centuries the name Tyburn produced an instant and chilling association in the minds of Londoners.

It meant the gallows.

It meant the condemned prisoner’s final journey.

It meant enormous crowds gathered to watch men and women die.

It meant execution as punishment, warning, ritual and entertainment.

Thousands were executed at or near Tyburn during its long history as London’s principal public execution ground. Some were murderers and highwaymen. Others were thieves whose crimes today would seem astonishingly minor. Some were rebels and traitors. Some were religious martyrs. Some became celebrities before they died.

Eventually the place became so synonymous with hanging that the gallows itself acquired nicknames: the Tyburn Tree, the Triple Tree, and grimly, the Deadly Nevergreen.

Yet Tyburn began not with a gallows.

It began with water.

And more than a century after the last condemned prisoner died there, religious women established a convent beside the old execution ground dedicated partly to remembering those who had perished upon it.

The history of Tyburn is therefore not simply the history of execution.

It is the history of a place being transformed repeatedly by London itself.

Before the Gallows: The Tyburn

Long before Tyburn became synonymous with hanging, it was a geographical name.

The Tyburn was a small stream flowing through what was then countryside west of medieval London.

Its name probably derived from Old English, referring essentially to a boundary stream or brook.

The stream rose in the Hampstead area and flowed southwards towards the Thames. Much of it eventually disappeared beneath the expanding city, incorporated into London’s drainage and sewer systems.

There was also a small settlement or manor associated with the name Tyburn.

The modern visitor therefore needs to erase central London mentally.

Remove Oxford Street.

Remove Park Lane.

Remove Marble Arch.

Remove the great nineteenth- and twentieth-century buildings.

Imagine instead roads leading away from the medieval city through relatively open countryside.

One of those roads would eventually become London’s road to death.

Why Tyburn?

This raises the obvious question.

Why did Tyburn become an execution ground?

The answer lies largely in geography.

Medieval London was enclosed and crowded. Executions served not merely to kill offenders but to demonstrate publicly the consequences of violating royal law.

A public execution therefore needed space.

But it also needed accessibility.

Tyburn offered both.

It stood outside the densely built city while remaining easily reachable along a major road from London.

Crucially, it was associated with the junction of important routes near the western edge of what would become Oxford Street.

The location allowed authorities to transport prisoners from the city while enabling enormous numbers of spectators to gather.

It was sufficiently outside London to accommodate the spectacle.

But sufficiently close to London to provide the audience.

The First Recorded Execution

One of the earliest famous executions associated with Tyburn occurred in 1196.

The condemned man was William Fitz Osbert, sometimes called William Longbeard.

Fitz Osbert had become a popular agitator among London’s poorer inhabitants, denouncing abuses by wealthy citizens and becoming embroiled in political conflict with the authorities.

After taking sanctuary in the church of St Mary-le-Bow, he was driven out when the authorities had the building set on fire.

He was captured, badly wounded, and taken to Tyburn.

There he was hanged.

Whether Tyburn was already an established execution site is less certain than later tradition sometimes suggests, but Fitz Osbert’s death became an early landmark in its grim history.

Over the following centuries, Tyburn’s association with execution became firmly established.

The Road from Newgate

By the early modern period, many prisoners condemned in London began their final journey at Newgate Prison.

From there they travelled west towards Tyburn.

The route ran through some of London’s busiest streets.

The condemned were usually transported in a cart rather than walking.

The journey became a ritual in itself.

Crowds gathered along the route.

Windows overlooking the procession could become valuable viewing positions.

People shouted encouragement, insults or prayers.

Friends might attempt to approach the prisoner.

Vendors sold refreshments.

The condemned person was simultaneously prisoner, performer and centrepiece of a public drama.

The distance was only a few miles.

But the journey could take hours.

The Last Drink

Tradition became attached to stopping places along the route.

One of the most famous was an inn near St Giles, commonly associated with the condemned prisoner’s opportunity to take a final drink before continuing towards Tyburn.

This tradition became embedded deeply in London’s folklore.

It has also been linked with the expression “one for the road.”

That derivation is attractive but uncertain.

Like many colourful linguistic stories, it should be treated as folklore rather than established etymological fact.

Nevertheless, the final drink itself reflected something important about execution culture.

The condemned person was going to die publicly.

There was little reason to worry about drunkenness afterwards.

Some prisoners therefore approached Tyburn fortified considerably by alcohol.

The Ordinary of Newgate

The procession was not merely secular.

The Ordinary of Newgate, the prison chaplain, played an important role in preparing condemned prisoners for death.

Christian society regarded execution as punishment of the body, but salvation of the soul remained theoretically possible.

Prisoners were encouraged to confess.

They were urged to repent.

They might receive religious instruction.

The ideal execution therefore followed a moral script.

The prisoner acknowledged guilt.

The prisoner repented.

The prisoner warned spectators against following the same path.

The prisoner forgave the executioner.

The prisoner died reconciled to God.

Reality, naturally, was less cooperative.

Some prisoners protested their innocence.

Some denounced the authorities.

Some joked.

Some swore.

Some were too terrified to perform anything resembling the expected script.

Others became extraordinarily accomplished performers of their own deaths.

The Tyburn Tree

The most famous structure at Tyburn appeared during the reign of Elizabeth I.

In 1571, a large permanent triangular gallows was erected.

It became known as the Tyburn Tree or Triple Tree.

Three horizontal beams formed a triangle supported above the ground.

Its design allowed several prisoners to be hanged simultaneously.

At particularly large executions, the sight must have been horrifying.

The gallows became one of London’s most recognisable landmarks.

It appeared in prints.

It appeared in literature.

It appeared in slang.

It entered the popular imagination.

To “go west” towards Tyburn acquired a significance considerably darker than ordinary travel.

The gallows was sometimes called the Deadly Nevergreen — a macabre parody of a living tree.

Its fruit was human.

Hanging Before the Long Drop

Modern popular culture often gives a misleading impression of historical hanging.

The later long-drop method, scientifically calculated to break the neck quickly, did not become standard until the nineteenth century.

Tyburn belonged largely to an earlier system.

The condemned person was placed beneath the gallows with a rope around the neck.

The cart could then be driven away.

The prisoner dropped only a short distance.

Death commonly resulted from strangulation rather than immediate fracture of the neck.

It could take several minutes.

The condemned struggled.

The body convulsed.

Spectators watched.

Friends sometimes attempted to shorten the suffering by pulling downward on the prisoner’s legs.

This was not necessarily cruelty.

It could be an act of mercy.

Extra weight increased pressure upon the neck and might accelerate unconsciousness and death.

“Hangers-On”

Stories occasionally claim that the expression “hanger-on” originated with friends hanging onto a condemned person’s legs at Tyburn.

It is another delightful story.

And almost certainly another doubtful etymology.

Tyburn has accumulated such stories because it occupied such an enormous place in English popular culture.

The gallows generated language, folklore and legend.

Not all of it can be trusted.

But the existence of the folklore tells us something important.

Tyburn was not merely a place.

It became an idea.

The Crowd

Now we reach perhaps the most extraordinary aspect of Tyburn.

The audience.

Public executions could attract thousands or even tens of thousands of spectators, especially when the condemned person was notorious.

People travelled considerable distances.

They arrived early.

Food and alcohol were sold.

Printed accounts circulated.

The wealthy could pay for advantageous viewing positions.

Temporary stands were sometimes constructed.

Execution day could resemble an enormous public festival.

That comparison can be uncomfortable.

It should be.

Death was entertainment.

But it was not only entertainment.

The crowd contained many motivations.

Some came from morbid curiosity.

Some wanted to see justice done.

Some sympathised with the prisoner.

Some came for political reasons.

Some came because everyone else was going.

Some came to drink.

Some came to steal.

Pickpockets at the Hanging of Pickpockets

One of the enduring ironies of public executions was that they created excellent working conditions for thieves.

Crowds packed closely together.

Everyone’s attention focused upon the gallows.

Purses became accessible.

Pickpockets therefore worked execution crowds.

Some of the people being executed at Tyburn had themselves been convicted of theft.

Thus thieves could be stealing from spectators while those spectators watched other thieves being hanged for stealing.

If public execution was intended primarily to deter crime, this represented a rather spectacular failure of the educational programme.

The Bloody Code

By the eighteenth century, English criminal law had become notorious for the enormous number of offences theoretically punishable by death.

This system later became known as the Bloody Code.

Murder and treason were capital crimes.

But so were many property offences.

The value of stolen goods could determine whether someone lived or died.

Burglary, robbery, forgery and various forms of theft could lead to the gallows.

Yet not everyone sentenced to death was executed.

Juries sometimes deliberately undervalued stolen property.

Judges could recommend mercy.

The Crown could grant pardons.

Sentences could be commuted to transportation.

Nevertheless, Tyburn consumed a steady procession of human beings.

And the gallows disproportionately affected the poor.

Wealth purchased lawyers, influence and alternatives unavailable to many ordinary defendants.

Women at Tyburn

Women were executed at Tyburn too.

They could be hanged for murder, theft and other capital crimes.

Women convicted of murdering their husbands faced an especially horrifying legal fiction.

Under English law, killing one’s husband could be treated as petty treason, because the husband was regarded as his wife’s lawful superior.

Women convicted of petty treason could historically be sentenced to burning.

In practice, they might be strangled before the fire consumed the body, though this was not guaranteed.

The punishment reveals how deeply hierarchy was embedded within criminal law.

Killing a husband was not simply murder.

It was imagined as rebellion against the social order.

Treason: Death Made Deliberately Terrible

For men convicted of high treason, ordinary hanging was considered insufficient.

The traditional sentence was to be hanged, drawn and quartered.

The condemned man could be drawn to the execution place, hanged but cut down, disembowelled and emasculated, beheaded and divided into quarters.

The remains might then be displayed publicly.

The punishment was deliberately theatrical.

Treason attacked the monarch.

The destruction of the traitor’s body demonstrated the monarch’s power.

Tyburn therefore became a stage upon which the state performed vengeance.

The Reformation Comes to Tyburn

The English Reformation added another dimension.

Tyburn became a place where religious identity, political loyalty and state power collided.

Under Henry VIII, refusing to accept royal supremacy over the English Church could become treason.

On 4 May 1535, three Carthusian priors — John Houghton, Robert Lawrence and Augustine Webster — together with the Bridgettine priest Richard Reynolds and the secular priest John Haile, were executed at Tyburn.

They had refused to accept Henry VIII’s supremacy over the Church in England.

The executions were brutal.

Houghton and the other condemned religious became among the earliest Catholic martyrs of the Henrician Reformation.

For Catholics, Tyburn began acquiring another identity.

It was not merely a criminal gallows.

It was becoming a place of martyrdom.

Edmund Campion

Perhaps the most famous Catholic priest executed at Tyburn during Elizabeth I’s reign was Edmund Campion.

Campion had once been a promising Oxford scholar.

He eventually became a Jesuit priest and returned secretly to England as part of the Catholic mission.

His presence was illegal.

After his capture, he was imprisoned in the Tower of London, interrogated and tortured.

Campion and fellow priests Ralph Sherwin and Alexander Briant were convicted of treason.

On 1 December 1581, they were taken to Tyburn.

Campion maintained that his mission had been religious rather than treasonous.

He was hanged, drawn and quartered.

Catholic memory transformed him from convicted traitor into martyr.

The same execution could therefore tell two completely different stories.

To the Elizabethan state:

A traitor had been punished.

To Catholics:

A priest had died for his faith.

That disagreement about what Tyburn meant would survive for centuries.

Oliver Plunkett

A century later another famous Catholic victim arrived at Tyburn.

Oliver Plunkett, Catholic Archbishop of Armagh and Primate of All Ireland, became entangled in the hysteria surrounding the supposed Popish Plot.

The plot itself was largely fabricated by Titus Oates.

Nevertheless, anti-Catholic panic produced prosecutions and executions.

Plunkett was convicted of high treason.

On 1 July 1681, he was hanged, drawn and quartered at Tyburn.

He became the last Catholic martyr executed in England and was canonised by Pope Paul VI in 1975.

By then Tyburn had accumulated layers of religious memory extending across almost 150 years.

Oliver Cromwell’s Extremely Bad Day — After His Death

Tyburn even received people who were already dead.

Following the Restoration of Charles II, vengeance was directed against those responsible for the execution of Charles I.

Oliver Cromwell had inconveniently died naturally in 1658.

The restored monarchy was not going to allow this technicality to interfere with justice.

In 1661, Cromwell’s body was exhumed.

The corpses of Henry Ireton and John Bradshaw were also exhumed.

On the anniversary of Charles I’s execution, the bodies were taken to Tyburn and subjected to posthumous hanging.

They were then beheaded.

Cromwell’s head was eventually displayed at Westminster Hall.

Few episodes illustrate the theatrical character of seventeenth-century punishment more vividly.

The victim did not even need to be alive.

The point was the demonstration of restored royal authority.

Celebrity Criminals

By the eighteenth century, some condemned criminals became celebrities.

One of the greatest was Jack Sheppard.

Sheppard was a thief.

But he possessed a remarkable talent for escaping from prison.

Again.

And again.

And again.

His escapes turned him into a folk hero.

Authorities found him considerably less amusing.

After his final capture, Sheppard was taken to Tyburn on 16 November 1724.

The crowd was enormous — contemporary reports claimed perhaps 200,000, although such figures should be treated cautiously.

Whatever the true number, London turned out in extraordinary force.

Sheppard was twenty-two years old.

His execution demonstrated something the authorities could never completely control.

The state might decide who died.

The crowd could decide who became a hero.

The Last Dying Speech

Execution created its own publishing industry.

Broadsides were printed describing crimes and executions.

They might contain biographies, confessions, moral warnings and supposedly authentic final speeches.

Some were prepared before the execution had even occurred.

Accuracy was not necessarily the principal concern.

Sensationalism sold.

The condemned criminal therefore became part of an early mass-media economy.

Crime produced arrest.

Arrest produced trial.

Trial produced execution.

Execution produced literature.

The crowd bought the story of the person whose death they had just watched.

Tyburn was simultaneously courthouse aftermath, theatre and publishing opportunity.

The Executioner

The executioner occupied a strange social position.

He performed work demanded by the state but was often socially despised for performing it.

Executioners could receive fees.

They might also claim the condemned person’s clothing or possessions according to custom.

Their competence mattered enormously.

A bungled execution prolonged suffering and could provoke the crowd.

The executioner therefore stood at the centre of the spectacle while remaining morally marginal to respectable society.

Everyone wanted justice done.

Few wanted to shake hands with the man who actually did it.

The Body Afterwards

Execution did not necessarily end the state’s possession of the body.

Bodies might be given to surgeons for anatomical dissection.

Murderers were increasingly subjected to post-mortem punishment under eighteenth-century legislation.

Other remains might be displayed.

Traitors’ heads and quarters could be exposed publicly as warnings.

Friends and relatives sometimes fought to obtain bodies for burial.

There was also widespread folk belief in the supposed healing power of touching the hand of an executed person, particularly for certain illnesses.

Death therefore did not immediately remove the condemned person from social life.

The corpse itself could remain politically, medically and superstitiously useful.

Tyburn Tickets

One particularly strange legacy of execution entered church architecture.

Under an eighteenth-century law, people who successfully helped secure the conviction of certain criminals could receive certificates exempting them from some parish duties.

These became known as Tyburn tickets.

They acquired monetary value and could be transferred.

Thus even the machinery surrounding capital punishment produced its own peculiar economic by-products.

Why Public Execution Eventually Failed

By the eighteenth century, criticism of public execution was increasing.

The spectacle appeared increasingly disorderly.

Crowds drank.

People fought.

Thieves stole.

The condemned sometimes became heroes.

Instead of demonstrating solemn justice, executions could become carnivals.

The authorities faced an uncomfortable possibility.

Perhaps the crowd was learning the wrong lesson.

Enlightenment ideas about punishment were also changing.

Thinkers increasingly questioned whether extreme public brutality actually reduced crime.

Tyburn’s usefulness as a theatre of state authority was fading.

The Last Journey

On 3 November 1783, the final execution took place at Tyburn.

The condemned man was John Austin, convicted of highway robbery and violence.

He travelled the old road.

The crowd gathered.

The gallows performed its final duty.

After centuries of executions, Tyburn’s role was over.

Future public executions of London prisoners would take place outside Newgate Prison itself.

Moving executions to Newgate shortened the journey and made proceedings easier to control.

But public hanging continued there until 1868, when executions in Britain were moved behind prison walls.

Death had not disappeared.

The audience had.

London Swallows Tyburn

Meanwhile London continued expanding westwards.

What had once been countryside became valuable urban land.

Elegant streets and squares appeared.

Hyde Park became surrounded by fashionable development.

The Tyburn stream disappeared underground.

The gallows disappeared.

Eventually even the precise location of the execution site became uncertain enough to generate debate.

Today a small plaque embedded in a traffic island near Marble Arch commemorates the approximate site of the Tyburn Tree.

Thousands of people pass it without noticing.

London has a remarkable capacity to build everyday life directly over its dead.

And Then Came the Nuns

More than a century after John Austin became Tyburn’s final victim, something extraordinary happened.

Religious women returned to the neighbourhood.

In 1903, Benedictine nuns belonging to the Adorers of the Sacred Heart of Jesus of Montmartre established a convent close to the historic execution ground.

The community had originated in France.

Anti-clerical legislation there forced the sisters into exile.

They came to London.

And they deliberately established themselves at Tyburn.

The location was profoundly symbolic.

For Catholics, Tyburn was sacred ground because of the men and women executed there during the Reformation and its aftermath.

The gallows that had once represented state punishment could now be reinterpreted as an altar of martyrdom.

Thus emerged Tyburn Convent.

The Tyburn Martyrs

The convent became particularly associated with remembrance of the Catholic martyrs executed at Tyburn.

According to the convent, 105 Tyburn martyrs have been officially recognised by the Catholic Church, through canonisation or beatification.

The convent’s Martyrs’ Shrine contains relics and representations associated with them.

Within it is a striking symbolic reference to the triangular Tyburn gallows.

The instrument of execution has been absorbed into religious memorial.

What the Tudor and Stuart governments intended as a warning against disobedience became, centuries later, a symbol of steadfast faith.

History had reversed the meaning.

From Spectacle to Silence

The contrast could hardly be greater.

At old Tyburn:

Crowds shouted.

Vendors called.

Horses struggled through packed streets.

Prisoners prayed, cursed or confessed.

Executioners prepared ropes.

Broadsheets were sold.

Bodies swung from the gallows.

At Tyburn Convent:

Silence.

Prayer.

Contemplation.

Perpetual Eucharistic adoration.

Remembrance.

The location associated for centuries with public death became associated with spiritual reflection.

That transformation is perhaps the strangest chapter in Tyburn’s history.

What Tyburn Tells Us

It is easy to look backwards and dismiss execution crowds as barbaric.

That risks missing the more interesting question.

Why did respectable people attend?

Public execution existed because governments believed punishment needed witnesses.

Justice had to be seen.

The crowd authenticated state power.

But the crowd was never completely controllable.

Spectators could sympathise with prisoners.

They could mock officials.

They could celebrate highwaymen.

They could transform convicted criminals into folk heroes.

They could buy sensational accounts and carry alternative versions of events back into London’s streets.

The authorities controlled the gallows.

They did not always control the story.

Tyburn therefore became a strange meeting place between power and popular culture.

Kings and queens used it.

Judges supplied victims.

Executioners operated it.

Clergy moralised around it.

Printers exploited it.

Vendors profited from it.

Thieves worked its crowds.

Spectators transformed it into entertainment.

Martyrs transformed it into sacred memory.

And eventually London transformed it into a traffic junction.

The End of the Road

There is something haunting about standing near Marble Arch today and mentally removing modern London.

Strip away the buses.

Strip away the cars.

Strip away the hotels and shops.

Recover the old road.

Imagine a cart slowly approaching from the east.

A condemned prisoner sits inside it.

The Ordinary of Newgate accompanies him.

Behind and around them surges an enormous crowd.

Some pray.

Some laugh.

Some drink.

Some steal.

Some have climbed onto roofs and temporary stands.

Vendors are selling food.

Printers are selling the prisoner’s supposedly final words before he has even spoken them.

Ahead stands a triangular wooden structure.

For everyone else, Oxford Road continues into the countryside.

For the person in the cart, the journey ends here.

Centuries later, the gallows is gone.

The brook runs hidden beneath London.

The crowds have vanished.

The condemned are names in archives.

And nearby, behind the walls of a Benedictine convent, prayers continue for people who died on this ground hundreds of years ago.

Few places demonstrate more vividly how history changes the meaning of landscape.

Tyburn began with a stream.

It became a gallows.

The gallows became a symbol.

The symbol became a shrine.

And London simply grew around it.

Tim Alderman ©️2026

Sources and Further Reading

Tyburn Convent — History of Tyburn and the Tyburn Martyrs. Particularly valuable for the Catholic martyrs associated with the execution ground, the establishment of the convent and the Martyrs’ Shrine.

Historic Royal Palaces — Crime and Punishment in London. Useful background on public execution, treason and the culture surrounding punishment in Tudor and Stuart London.

Museum of London / London Museum — Crime and Punishment collections and research. Material concerning London’s prisons, execution culture, criminal justice and popular responses to punishment.

Old Bailey Proceedings Online. An extraordinary searchable collection of proceedings from London’s Central Criminal Court, providing invaluable primary evidence concerning crime, trials, sentencing and punishment.

The Proceedings of the Old Bailey — Ordinary’s Accounts. Published accounts associated with the Ordinary of Newgate and condemned prisoners, revealing the religious and commercial culture surrounding execution.

John Stow — A Survey of London. Essential early source for the topography and development of London and its surrounding districts.

Peter Linebaugh — The London Hanged: Crime and Civil Society in the Eighteenth Century. Major modern study of execution, labour, crime and social relations in eighteenth-century London.

V. A. C. Gatrell — The Hanging Tree: Execution and the English People 1770–1868. An important study of the culture of public execution and changing attitudes towards capital punishment.

Andrea McKenzie — Tyburn’s Martyrs: Execution in England, 1675–1775. Detailed examination of execution culture, condemned criminals and the creation of popular identities around those who died on the gallows.

Leon Radzinowicz — A History of English Criminal Law and Its Administration from 1750. Major scholarly history of English criminal justice and capital punishment.

Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Biographical material on figures including William Fitz Osbert, Edmund Campion, Oliver Plunkett and Jack Sheppard.

National Archives (UK) — Crime and Punishment research guides. Useful primary-source guidance concerning treason, capital punishment, criminal trials and historical prison records.

Gay History: William North – Prostrated Homosexual, 1823

From the Morning Chronicle of Feb. 25, 1823, 

EXECUTION. — Yesterday morning, at an early hour, considerable numbers of spectators assembled before the Debtors’ door at Newgate, to witness the execution of William North, convicted in september Sessions of an unnatural crime.

The wretched culprit was 54 years of age, and had a wife living.

On his trial, he appeared a fine, stout, robust man, and strongly denied his guilt. On his being brought before the Sheriffs yesterday morning, he appeared to have grown at least ten years older, during the five months he has been in a condemned cell, with the horrid prospect before him of dying a violent death. His body had wasted to the mere anatomy of a man, his cheeks had sunk, his eyes had become hollow, and such was his weakness, that he could scarcely stand without support.

Though the consolations of religion were frequently offered to him, yet he could not sufficiently calm his mind to listen, or participate in them, even to the moment of his death. Sunday night he could not sleep, his mouth was parched with a burning fever; he occasionaqlly ejaculated “Oh God!” and “I’m lost;” and at other times he appeared quite childish; his imbecility of mind seemed to correspond with the weakness of his body. He exclaimed on one occasion “I have suffered sufficient punishment in this prison to atone for the crimes I have committed;” and when the Rev. Dr. Cotton and Mr. Baker, who attended him, asked him if he believed in Christ, and felt that he was a sinner? He replied “I pray, but cannot feel.”

The Sacrament of the Lord’s Supper was not administered to him, probably on account of his occasional delirium, and the generally disordered state of his mental faculties.

At five minutes before eight yesterday morning he was pinioned by the executioner in the press room, in the presence of the sheriffs and officers of the goal. As St. Sepulchre’s church clock struck eight, the culprit, carrying the rope, attended by the executioner, and clergyman, moved in procession with the sheriffs, &c. on to the scaffold.

On arriving at the third station, the prison bell tolled, and Dr. Cotton commenced at the same moment reading the funeral service “I am the resurrection and the life,” &c. of which the wretched man seemed to be totally regardless. On his being assisted up the steps of the scaffold, reason returned; he became aware of the dreadful death to which he was about to be consigned; his looks of terror were frightful; his expression of horror, when the rope was being placed round his neck, made every spectator shudder.

It was one of the most trying scenes to the clergymen they ever witnessed — never appeared a man so unprepared, so unresigned to his fate. — The signal being given the drop fell, and the criminal expired in less than a minute. He never struggled after he fell.

The body hung an hour, and was then cut down for interment. — The six unhappy men who are doomed to suffer on to-morrow morning, appear to be perfectly resigned to their fate.

News Paper Reports

Saturday 22 February 1823

His Majesty was pleased to order the following for execution: . . . Wm. North, convicted last September Sessions of an unnatural crime, on Monday morning next. (Morning Chronicle)

Tuesday, 25 February 1823

EXECUTION. – Yesterday morning, at an early hour, considerable numbers of spectators assembled before the Debtors’ door at Newgate, to witness the execution of William North, convicted in September Sessions of an unnatural crime. The wretched culprit was 54 years of age, and had a wife living. On his trial, he appeared a fine, stout, robust man, and strongly denied his guilt. On his being brought before the Sheriffs yesterday morning, he appeared to have grown at least ten years older, during the five months he has been in a condemned cell, with the horrid prospect before him of dying a violent death. His body had wasted to the mere anatomy of a man, his cheeks had sunk, his eyes had become hollow, and such was his weakness, that he could scarcely stand without support. Though the consolations of religion were frequently offered to him, yet he could not sufficiently calm his mind to listen, or participate in them, even to the moment of his death. Sunday night he could not sleep, his mouth was parched with a burning fever; he occasionaqlly ejaculated “Oh God!” and “I’m lost;” and at other times he appeared quite childish; his imbecility of mind seemed to correspond with the weakness of his body. He exclaimed on one occasion “I have suffered sufficient punishment in this prison to atone for the crimes I have committed;” and when the Rev. Dr. Cotton and Mr. Baker, who attended him, asked him if he believed in Christ, and felt that he was a sinner? He replied “I pray, but cannot feel.” The Sacrament of the Lord’s Supper was not administered to him, probably on account of his occasional delirium, and the generally disordered state of his mental faculties. At five minutes before eight yesterday morning he was pinioned by the executioner in the press room, in the presence of the sheriffs and officers of the goal. As St. Sepulchre’s church clock struck eight, the culprit, carrying the rope, attended by the executioner, and clergyman, moved in procession with the sheriffs, &c. on to the scaffold. On arriving at the third station, the prison bell tolled, and Dr. Cotton commenced at the same moment reading the funeral service “I am the resurrection and the life,” &c. of which the wretched man seemed to be totally regardless. On his being assisted up the steps of the scaffold, reason returned; he became aware of the dreadful death to which he was about to be consigned; his looks of terror were frightful; his expression of horror, when the rope was being placed round his neck, made every spectator shudder. It was one of the most trying scenes to the clergymen they ever witnessed – never appeared a man so unprepared, so unresigned to his fate. – The signal being given the drop fell, and the criminal expired in less than a minute. He never struggled after he fell. The body hung an hour, and was then cut down for interment. – The six unhappy men who are doomed to suffer on to-morrow morning, appear to be perfectly resigned to their fate. (Morning Chronicle)

References

Tim Alderman (2017)

Political Commentary: The Politics of Execution

execution
ˌɛksɪˈkjuːʃ(ə)n/
noun
  1. 1. 
    the carrying out of a plan, order, or course of action.
    “he was fascinated by the entire operation and its execution”
    synonyms: implementation, carrying out, accomplishment, performance, effecting, bringing off, bringing about, achievement, carrying off, carrying through, completion, enactment, enforcement, discharge, prosecution, engineering, attainment, realization, fulfilment; 

    perpetration
    “the execution of the plan”




  2. 2. 
    the carrying out of a sentence of death on a condemned person.
    “the execution of juveniles is prohibited by international law”
    synonyms: capital punishment, the death penalty, being put to death, killing; 

    the gibbet, the gallows, the noose, the rope, the scaffold, the guillotine, the firing squad; 
    the (electric) chair; 
    informalthe drop; 
    informalnecktie party; 
    historicalnoyade


It is a word that disgusts me. In fact, capital punishment of any description disgusts me.

Our two Australians Andrew Chan and Myuran Sukumaran were transferred from Kerobokan prison to Nusakambangan island, in a wave of world punlicity yesterday morning,  where they are to be executed by firing squad. There is a huge amount of controversy surrounding these two men, so I will add my two dents worth. But my personal feelings can ge summed ip in a very simple statement – executing people achieves absolutely nothing! (http://www.eaplstudent.com/publications/controversies/does-the-death-penalty-reduce-crime).
And so now, just to prove how absolutely sadistic they are, the conjrctured carrying out of this execution this coming weekend, has been changed yet again with the statement from President Joko Widodo this morning that they might be waiting there on “Execution Island” for yet another week or more! Now try telling me that these two unfortunate men are not being used as a political football! Seems the Indonesian government and “judiciary” want to see just how much begging we will do! 

By no stretch of the imagination can it be ssid thst these two men have had a fair go through the Indonesian judicial system. There was a feeling right from the word go,10 years ago, that evetything involving their trial and sentencing was already preordained. The whole appeal process – if it can be called that – is no better. It would appear that the law is filtered to suit the occasion. They never really stood a chance in the face of stubborn, retaliatory sadism.

There is no denying their crimes. And the societal requirement to punish is justified. They have been in prison in Indonesia for 10 yesrs now, and in any  country where prison terms are the sentence of the court, they would probably be due for release,mor at least paroled. The true grist of this story is not about sentencing but the imposition of a sentence that in any civilised country – disregarding some backward stares in America – is unacceptable.

If the true conclusion of imprisonment is reform and rehabilitation, then the sentence imposed by the Indonesian court has achieved that aim. It could be said – though there is no way we are going to find out – that upon release these rwo men could toddle off to totally accepted and fulfilled lives as beneficial members of society! This being the outcome of their sentence, the question has to be asked – why are they being executed! It is supposedly to set an example – now on the world stage – of what happens when you break the law on this tiny group of islands caloed Indonesia. We tiny islands with big boot! Well, it doesn’t work that way! 

Amnesty International state that there are 5 reasons for abolishing the death penalty:

1. You can’t take it back

The death penalty is irreversible. Absolute judgments may lead to people paying for crimes they did not commit. Texas man Cameron Todd Willingham, for example, was found innocent after his 2004 execution.

2. It doesn’t deter criminals

In fact, evidence startlingly reveals the opposite! Twenty seven years after abolishing the death penalty, Canada saw a 44 per cent drop in murders across the country. And it wasn’t alone.

3. There’s no ‘humane’ way to kill

The 2006 execution of Angel Nieves Diaz, by a so-called ‘humane’ lethal injection, took 34 minutes and required two doses. Other methods of execution used around the world include hanging, shooting and beheading. The nature of these deaths only continues to perpetuate the cycle of violence and does not alleviate the pain already suffered by the victims’ family.

4. It makes a public spectacle of an individual’s death

Executions are often undertaken in an extremely public manner, with public hangings in Iran or live broadcasts of lethal injections in the US.

5. The death penalty is disappearing

Out of 198 countries around the world only 21 continue to use capital punishment. And while countries that carried out executions in 2011 did so at an alarming rate, those employing capital punishment have decreased by more than a third in the last decade. With this clear downward trend, public pressure may help persuade the world’s biggest executors China, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Iraq and the USA to stop.

There are countless arguments for and against the death penalty. In an imperfect world where we can never be sure we have ever got the “worst of the worst” is it ever justified to take a life?

And the answer to that question is……no!

I was watching one of many series I watch on Foxtel, called “The Killing”, which ended by someone – not totally proven guilty – being execured by hanging. Despite knowing it is acted, the whole process was very realistically acted, and quite heart-rending. There are actually people there to witness it happening, and one would think that after withessing such a horrific and barbaric act, one would become a strong advocate against the death penalty. 

If Indonesia think they are big-noting themselves on the world stage, well they are…but not in the right way. They could have exonerated these rwo men, saved their parents and loved ones a world of grief. Indonesia could join the civilised world and eliminate this dreadful punishment all togethet! There is more admiration for humanitarianism than barbarism! After 10 years of imprisonment, there would be a lot less controversy by paroling and releasing them, then alliwing them voluntary access to the prison to continue the rehabilitation programs that they themselves have set in place. Not only would this be seen as just and humane, it would be of continuing benefit to other prisoners.

Much has been said about how they are drug traffickers, and deserve this penalty as it will save lives. What a load of bullshit that is. These two deaths, along with a string of others caught for the same crime in IIndonesia, is not going to save one single, solitary life! A drug addict is a drug addict, and what they can’t get from one person they will get from another! End of story! Perhaps Indonesia needs to look in its own backyard first!

The world is holding its greath, and this is just what Indonesia wants! The end of this story is, I think, inevitable. I would love to be proven wrong!

Tim Alderman

(C) 2015

PS for anyone interested to read a history of capital punushment (http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/execution/readings/history.html), and a further interesting article on why the death oenalty is slowly dying in America after a botched lethal injection (http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/execution-of-clayton-lockett-and-the-flaws-of-lethal-injection-a-992359.html).

  1.