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The Buggery Act of 1533: Henry VIII, Power, Politics, and the Criminalisation of “Unnatural Offences” Part 2

Part II – The Act, the King’s Politics, and the Transformation of English Law

In the years immediately following Henry VIII’s break with Rome, Parliament became one of the King’s most powerful instruments. A succession of Acts fundamentally altered the relationship between Crown, Church and people. Historians often refer to these measures collectively as the Henrician Reformation, and among them was one relatively brief statute whose influence would echo for centuries: The Buggery Act of 1533.

Although only a few hundred words long, the Act fundamentally altered English criminal law. It did not invent the offence of buggery; rather, it changed who had the authority to prosecute it, how it would be punished, and who would ultimately benefit from convictions.

The Buggery Act of 1533

Officially titled An Acte for the punishment of the vice of Buggerye, the statute declared that the offence of buggery would henceforth be tried in the King’s courts rather than the ecclesiastical courts.

This seemingly administrative change was revolutionary.

The Church lost one of its long-standing judicial responsibilities.

The Crown gained another.

The Act provided that anyone convicted of the offence would suffer the punishment imposed for felony.

In Tudor England, that meant:

death by hanging

forfeiture of lands

confiscation of goods and property

loss of inheritance rights

Unlike many offences heard by Church courts, there was no opportunity to escape punishment through repentance or spiritual penance.

The offence had become one against the King himself.

Why Was Henry Interested?

This is where history becomes particularly interesting.

Many older histories assumed Henry VIII introduced the Act because he held especially strong moral objections to homosexual behaviour.

Modern historians tend to disagree.

Henry’s reign demonstrates repeatedly that moral consistency was not his defining characteristic.

He broke with the Pope.

Married six times.

Executed two queens.

Maintained mistresses.

Ordered political opponents to their deaths.

Altered religious doctrine whenever political necessity required.

His overriding concern was almost always power.

The Buggery Act therefore fits comfortably within Henry’s broader programme of centralisation.

Every responsibility removed from Church authority increased royal authority.

Every legal matter transferred to secular courts strengthened the Crown.

The legislation should therefore be understood as part of Henry’s constitutional revolution rather than an isolated moral crusade.


The Yokel’s Preceptor, a contemporary magazine, said this:

The End of Ecclesiastical Monopoly

For centuries, bishops and Church courts had exercised significant judicial power.

Henry gradually dismantled that system.

The Buggery Act declared that offences previously heard before ecclesiastical judges would now be prosecuted before royal judges.

This reflected an emerging Tudor principle:

The King—not the Pope—was the ultimate source of justice in England.

That principle extended far beyond sexual offences.

It affected marriage.

Inheritance.

Appeals.

Clerical discipline.

Property.

Monastic wealth.

And eventually almost every aspect of public life.

The Buggery Act therefore formed one piece of a much larger constitutional puzzle.

The Dissolution of the Monasteries

Only a few years after the Act, Henry began dissolving England’s monasteries.

Between 1536 and 1541, hundreds of religious houses disappeared.

Their lands became Crown property.

Their wealth flowed into royal coffers.

Their libraries were dispersed.

Their buildings destroyed or converted.

For the King, monasteries represented two things:

enormous wealth

and

potential loyalty to Rome.

Removing them weakened papal influence while enriching the Crown.

Sexual Accusations and Anti-Monastic Propaganda

One uncomfortable aspect of this period concerns the widespread allegations made against monasteries.

Royal commissioners investigating religious houses frequently reported accusations of:

sodomy

sexual immorality

corruption

financial dishonesty

moral decay

Modern historians urge considerable caution.

Many of these reports were gathered by officials who already knew what the King hoped to find.

Some accusations were undoubtedly genuine.

Others were probably exaggerated.

Some may have been entirely fabricated.

The commissioners’ task was not impartial historical investigation.

It was building a political case for dissolution.

By portraying monasteries as morally corrupt, Henry’s government made their destruction appear both necessary and righteous.

The Buggery Act provided another legal framework within which such accusations could be pursued.

Defining “Buggery”

One of the greatest difficulties facing historians is determining exactly what Tudor legislators meant by the word.

The Act itself offered no definition.

Instead, judges relied upon legal custom and previous interpretations.

Generally speaking, prosecutions involved:

anal intercourse between men

anal intercourse between a man and a woman

bestiality

Modern readers are often surprised that the law was not directed exclusively at male same-sex relations.

The offence concerned certain sexual acts rather than sexual orientation.

Again, this reflects Tudor thinking.

People were punished for what they were believed to have done—not for belonging to an identity category.

The concepts of heterosexuality and homosexuality would not emerge until more than three centuries later.

The Challenge of Proof

Although the penalties were severe, successful prosecutions were surprisingly difficult.

English common law demanded evidence.

By later legal standards, conviction generally required proof that:

penetration had occurred,

and

the act had been completed.

Witnesses were rare.

Confessions were uncommon.

Accusations frequently collapsed for lack of evidence.

As a result, the number of executions was considerably lower than many people imagine.

The existence of the law generated far more fear than actual convictions.

Yet fear itself can be an extraordinarily effective form of social control.

Many people regulated their own behaviour simply because the consequences of conviction were so catastrophic.

Who Was Prosecuted?

Most recorded prosecutions involved men.

This reflects both legal practice and prevailing assumptions about sexuality.

Women rarely appeared before the courts on charges of buggery.

This was not because female same-sex relationships were accepted.

Rather, English judges often struggled to determine whether existing legal definitions could encompass sexual acts between women.

Without penile penetration, many judges questioned whether the offence had technically occurred.

Consequently, women accused of same-sex intimacy were more likely to face social condemnation than prosecution under the Buggery Act itself.

Convictions under the Buggery Act 1533 were punishable by death / British Library, Public Domain

A Weapon Beyond Sexuality

Like many Tudor laws, the Buggery Act possessed political utility.

An accusation alone could destroy reputations.

Even unsuccessful prosecutions carried enormous consequences.

Political enemies, unpopular clergy and social outsiders could all find themselves vulnerable.

Whether every accusation reflected genuine criminal behaviour is impossible to determine.

What is clear is that the law added another powerful weapon to the Tudor state’s expanding legal arsenal.

Fear, Reputation and Silence

Perhaps the Act’s greatest impact lay not in executions but in silence.

The possibility of prosecution encouraged secrecy.

Friendships became suspect.

Affection became dangerous.

Rumour acquired enormous power.

For centuries afterwards, many men lived under the constant awareness that an accusation—whether true or false—could destroy careers, families and lives.

That climate of fear became one of the Act’s most enduring legacies.

Looking Ahead

By the time Henry VIII died in 1547, England had been transformed.

The Pope no longer exercised authority over the English Church.

The monasteries had vanished.

The Crown controlled unprecedented legal and religious powers.

Among the many reforms Henry left behind was the Buggery Act—a statute that would survive kings, queens, civil wars, religious revolutions and even the British Empire itself.

Tim Alderman ©️2026

Gay History: The (Sodomy) Law in England, 1290-1885

There was no royal or parliamentary law against homosexual activity in England until 1533, but a number of medieval legal sources do discuss “sodomy:.

Fleta, xxxviii.3: Those who have dealings with Jews or Jewesses, those who commit bestiality, and sodomists, are to be buried alive after legal proof that they were atken in the act, and public conviction” 

[Fleta, seu Commentarius Juris Anglicani, (London: 1735), as trans in Derrick Sherwin Bailey, Homosexuality and the Western Christian Tradition, (London: Longmans, Green, 1955), 145] 

Bailey notes that it is improbable that the penalty or burial alive was ever inflicted in medieval times [although Tacitus refers to it among ancient Germans in Germania 12].

Britton, i.10: “Let enquiry also be made of those who feloniously in time of peace have burnt other’s corn or houses, and those who are attainted thereof shall be burnt, so that they might be punished in like manner as they have offended. The same sentence shall be passed upon sorcerers, sorceresses, renegades, sodomists, and heretics publicly convicted” 

[Britton, ed. F.M. Nichols, (Oxford: 1865), Vol 1:41-42 and Bailey, 146]

Bailey notes that this implies a process in which ecclesiastical courts made the charges and convictions and the state put them into effect. There do not seem, however, to have been serious efforts made to put theory into practice. The preamble to the 1533 Law seems to make this clear.

25 Henry VIII. C6

Le Roy le veult
“Forasmuch as there is not yet sufficient and condign punishment appointed and limited by the due course of the Laws of this Realm for the detestable and abominable Vice of Buggery committed with mankind of beast: It may therefore please the King’s Highness with the assent of the Lords Spiritual and the Commons of this present parliament assembled, that it may be enacted by the authority of the same, that the same offence be from henceforth ajudged Felony and that such an order and form of process therein to be used against the offenders as in cases of felony at the Common law. And that the offenders being herof convict by verdict confession or outlawry shall suffer such pains of death and losses and penalties of their good chattels debts lands tenements and hereditaments as felons do according to the Common Laws of this Realme. And that no person offending in any such offence shall be admitted to his Clergy, And that Justices of the Peace shall have power and authority within the limits of their commissions and Jurisdictions to hear and determine the said offence, as they do in the cases of other felonies. This Act to endure till the last day. of the next Parliament” 

[Bailey, 147-148, and H. Montgomery Hyde, The Love That Dared Not Speak Its Name: A Candid History of Homosexuality in Britain, (Boston: Little, Brown, 1970) [British title: The Other Love] 

Note that the law only ran until the end of the next Parliament. The law was reenacted three times, and then in 1541 it was enacted to continue in force for ever. In 1547, Edward VI’s first Parliament repealed all felonies created in the last reign [I Edw. VI. C.12]. In 1548 the provisions of the 1533 Act were given new force, with minor amendments – the penalty remained death, but goods and lands were not forfeit, and the rights of wives and heirs were safeguarded. Mary’s accession brought about the repeal of all Edward’s acts in 1548 [1 Mar c.1]. It was not until 1563, that Elizabeth I’s second Parliament reenacted the law [5 Eliz I. C.17] and the law of 1533 (not 1548) were given permanent force. 

In 1828, the statute of 1563 was revoked by a consolidating act, but the death penalty was retained. In 1861 life imprisonment, or a jail time of at least ten years, was substituted for the death penalty. All these laws were against buggery, and indeed the law of 1828 had discussed matters of proof in terms of penetration. Note that other sexual activities were not specifically criminalised.

In 1885 Mr. Labouchere introduced an amendment to the Criminal Amendment Act of 1885. It read:-

48&49 Vict. c.69, 11: “Any male person who, in public or private, commits or is party to the commission of, or procures or attempts to procure the commission by any male person of any act of gross indecency with another male person, shall be guilty of a misdemeanour, and being convicted thereof shall be liable at the discretion of the Court to be imprisoned for any term not exceeding two years, with or without hard labour” 

So for the first time private acts were brought under the scope of the law, as were acts other than anal penetration. This became the famous blackmailer’s charter, and was the law used to convict Oscar Wilde.

[for all the above see Bailey 145-152]

It was the Act of 1533, then, which first made buggery an offense under English criminal law. This law survived in various forms England until 1967, although it was amended in 1861 to substitute life imprisonment for the penalties of death and forfeiture of property. 

But the direct effects of this law were not restricted to England. Because of England’s success as a colonial power, and its tendency to impose its entire legal structure on the ruled areas, legal prohibitions against homosexual activity derived from this law extended well outside England. In Scotland, for instance, (which has a separate legal system) the law was not changed until 1979. In many American states “sodomy” laws are still on the books, as also in former British colonies in the Caribbean.

.[ref. H. Montgomery Hyde, The Love That Dared Not Speak Its Name: A Candid History of Homosexuality in Britain, (Boston: Little, Brown, 1970)]

Reference

Gay History: The Drummer’s Revenge – The Story of Nicolas Daussy, Seigneur de Saint-Michel

In 1642, the town of Ville-Marie — the future Montreal — was founded as part of the effort by some very extreme Catholics to convert the Native people to Catholicism. A mere six years later, in 1648, the city had its — and the future Canada’s — first recorded mention of homosexuality among Europeans.
A military drummer was sentenced for “crimes of the worst kind.” History doesn’t record the drummer’s name, nor his partner’s. One historian has suggested that this partner might have been a Native man who escaped the drummer’s fate, though this isn’t known for sure.
What is known is that the drummer’s case was moved to Quebec City. French law traditionally prescribed death by fire for homosexuality. According to the Journal of the Jesuit Fathers for September 1648:

“About this time, there was brought from Montreal a drummer, Convictus crimine pessimo [convicted of a crime of the worst kind], whose death our Fathers who were at Montreal opposed, sed occute; he was then sent hither and put in the prison. It was proposed to him, so that he might at least escape the galleys, to accept the office of executioner of Justice; he accepted it, but his trial was first disposed of, and then his sentence was commuted.”

So only the intervention of the Jesuits saved him from death, and they further managed to argue him down from a life of hard labour to a job as New France’s executioner. Given his choices, the drummer chose to become an executioner. This was extraordinary, given that executions of “sodomites” in France were then at their peak, at that the Jesuits were at the centre of it.

We don’t know what happened to the drummer after that, but we do know that his first victim was a girl of 15 or 16, convicted of theft. This is the last we hear of him. By 1653, the colony was looking for a new executioner. No record survives to tell us what happened to the drummer — whether he was dead, convicted of another crime, or had escaped.

Some historians working on this issue — Pierre Hurteau and Patrice Corriveau, for example — have taken to claiming the drummer’s name wasn’t lost to history, and are calling him “René Huguet dit Tambour.” I’ve checked the sources they cite, however, and can’t find that name in any of them. I’ve also checked Marcel Trudel’s Catalogue des Immigrants, which lists the names of everyone known to have arrived in the colony, from any known source Trudel could get a hold of, for the years the drummer would’ve been in Ville-Marie.

There is a “René Huguet” on genealogical records who arrives in the colony in 1680, however, by which time our drummer is long gone. So it seems Hurteau and Corriveau have made some kind of mistake. The drummer’s name is still unknown.

Reference

  • The Drummers Revenge, 9 June 2007, by Hamish, from his WordPress blog LGBT History & Politics in Canada