Tag Archives: Myanmar

The Rohingya and the Clash with Buddhism: History, Identity, and Conflict

The plight of the Rohingya people has become one of the most significant humanitarian crises of the twenty-first century. Hundreds of thousands of Rohingya Muslims have fled violence in western Myanmar, particularly since 2017, seeking refuge in neighboring Bangladesh and beyond. Images of burned villages, overcrowded refugee camps, and desperate families crossing rivers and borders have drawn global attention.

Yet the Rohingya crisis presents a difficult paradox for many observers. Myanmar is a predominantly Buddhist nation, and Buddhism is often associated with compassion, nonviolence, and tolerance. How, then, did a conflict emerge in which Buddhist nationalism became intertwined with discrimination, persecution, and mass displacement?

The answer lies not in Buddhism itself, but in a complex mixture of history, colonialism, ethnic identity, politics, nationalism, and fear. The clash between the Rohingya and sections of Myanmar’s Buddhist majority is a story that stretches back centuries and cannot be understood through simplistic explanations.

Who Are the Rohingya?

The Rohingya are a predominantly Muslim ethnic group who have lived for generations in the coastal region of Rakhine State, formerly known as Arakan, in western Myanmar.

The Rohingya trace their roots to a diverse mixture of peoples who settled in the region over centuries. Arab traders, Persian merchants, Bengali settlers, and local inhabitants all contributed to the cultural landscape of Arakan. Historical records indicate that Muslims were present in the area as early as the ninth century.

Today, most Rohingya speak a language closely related to the Chittagonian dialect spoken in neighboring Bangladesh. They maintain their own cultural traditions, religious practices, and social customs distinct from Myanmar’s Buddhist majority.

The Myanmar government, however, has long disputed the Rohingya’s claim to indigenous status. Officially, they are often referred to as “Bengalis,” implying that they are illegal immigrants from Bangladesh rather than a native ethnic group.

This disagreement over identity lies at the heart of the conflict.

The Historical Kingdom of Arakan

To understand the Rohingya issue, it is necessary to examine the history of Arakan.

For centuries, Arakan existed as an independent kingdom situated between South Asia and Southeast Asia. Its strategic location on the Bay of Bengal encouraged extensive trade and cultural exchange.

The kingdom’s rulers were Buddhist, but Muslim influence was also significant. Muslim officials served in royal courts, Islamic scholars lived in the region, and trade connections linked Arakan with the wider Muslim world.

This created a society in which Buddhist and Muslim communities coexisted, though not always peacefully.

In 1784, the Burmese kingdom conquered Arakan. The invasion caused massive upheaval, with many inhabitants fleeing to Bengal. This marked the beginning of a long period of political instability.

British Colonial Rule

The modern roots of the Rohingya conflict emerged during British colonial rule.

Following the First Anglo-Burmese War in 1826, Arakan became part of British-controlled Burma. Because Burma and India were administered as parts of the same colonial empire, migration across borders became relatively unrestricted.

Large numbers of laborers moved from Bengal into Arakan. Some were seasonal workers, while others settled permanently.

To local Buddhists, this migration altered the demographic balance of the region. Many Rakhine Buddhists viewed the newcomers as competitors for land, employment, and political influence.

The British administration often favored minority groups and immigrant communities for economic development, creating resentment among indigenous populations.

These tensions simmered for decades and intensified during the twentieth century.

World War II and Growing Hostility

The Second World War deepened divisions between Buddhists and Muslims in Arakan.

When Japanese forces invaded Burma in 1942, local communities aligned with different sides. Many Burmese nationalists supported Japan because they viewed the Japanese as liberators from British colonial rule.

Many Rohingya Muslims, however, remained loyal to the British.

The result was brutal communal violence. Buddhist and Muslim militias attacked one another, villages were destroyed, and thousands of civilians were killed.

The violence left deep scars that continued long after the war ended.

For many Rakhine Buddhists, memories of wartime atrocities reinforced perceptions of Muslims as outsiders and threats. For Rohingya communities, the violence became evidence of longstanding persecution.

Independence and Citizenship Questions

When Burma gained independence in 1948, questions immediately arose regarding who belonged in the new nation.

The country contained dozens of ethnic groups, many with competing claims to autonomy and recognition.

Initially, some Rohingya were recognized as citizens and participated in political life. Rohingya representatives served in parliament, and Rohingya-language radio broadcasts were permitted.

However, political attitudes gradually shifted.

Military governments that came to power increasingly promoted a vision of national identity centered on Buddhism, Burmese culture, and recognized ethnic groups.

The Rohingya found themselves excluded from this definition.

The 1982 Citizenship Law

A major turning point occurred in 1982.

Myanmar enacted a citizenship law that recognized 135 official ethnic groups. The Rohingya were not among them.

Under the law, full citizenship required proof of ancestral residence dating back before 1823, the year before British colonial rule began.

Many Rohingya lacked the necessary documentation.

As a result, large numbers became effectively stateless.

Without citizenship, Rohingya faced restrictions on movement, education, employment, marriage, and political participation.

Human rights organizations widely regard the 1982 law as one of the principal legal mechanisms that institutionalized discrimination against the Rohingya.

Buddhism and National Identity

Understanding the conflict requires distinguishing Buddhism as a religion from Buddhist nationalism as a political ideology.

Buddhism teaches compassion, non-harm, generosity, and loving-kindness toward all beings. The teachings of Siddhartha Gautama emphasize overcoming hatred through wisdom and compassion.

However, throughout history, Buddhist societies—like societies influenced by every major religion—have sometimes become entangled with nationalism and political power.

In Myanmar, many Buddhists view Buddhism as central to national identity. Centuries of invasions, colonial rule, and military conflict fostered a belief that Buddhism required protection from external threats.

Some nationalist groups portrayed the growing Muslim population as a demographic and cultural danger.

This narrative became increasingly influential during periods of political uncertainty.

The Rise of Buddhist Nationalism

In the 2010s, Buddhist nationalist movements gained prominence.

One of the most controversial figures was Ashin Wirathu, a monk often described by international media as the face of militant Buddhist nationalism.

Wirathu and allied organizations warned that Islam threatened Myanmar’s Buddhist character. They promoted campaigns against interfaith marriage, Muslim businesses, and perceived Islamic influence.

Supporters argued they were protecting Buddhism and national culture.

Critics accused them of spreading fear, misinformation, and religious intolerance.

It is important to note that many Buddhist monks and organizations rejected such views and actively advocated for peace, dialogue, and protection of minority rights.

The Buddhist community in Myanmar has never been monolithic.

Violence in Rakhine State

Communal violence erupted repeatedly during the 2010s.

In 2012, clashes between Rakhine Buddhists and Rohingya Muslims resulted in widespread destruction and displacement.

Thousands of homes were burned.

Entire communities became segregated.

Many Rohingya were confined to camps with limited freedom of movement.

The situation deteriorated further in subsequent years.

International observers increasingly warned that the conditions resembled apartheid-like segregation.

The 2017 Crisis

The most dramatic escalation occurred in August 2017.

The Rohingya militant group known as the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army launched coordinated attacks on police posts and security installations.

Myanmar’s military responded with what it described as a counterinsurgency operation.

The scale of the response shocked the world.

Villages were burned, civilians were killed, and reports emerged of mass atrocities including rape, torture, and executions.

More than 700,000 Rohingya fled to Bangladesh within months.

The refugee influx became one of the largest and fastest population movements in recent history.

The United Nations described the campaign as a “textbook example of ethnic cleansing.”

Numerous human rights organizations documented evidence suggesting crimes against humanity and possible genocide.

Myanmar’s military denied many of the allegations and argued that its actions were directed against insurgents.

The Role of the International Community

The Rohingya crisis generated widespread international condemnation.

The United Nations launched investigations and humanitarian operations.

International courts became involved in examining allegations of genocide and crimes against humanity.

Countries around the world imposed sanctions on senior Myanmar military leaders.

Humanitarian agencies provided assistance to refugees living in enormous camps near the Bangladeshi city of Cox’s Bazar.

Despite these efforts, long-term solutions have remained elusive.

The Position of the Dalai Lama

The crisis prompted responses from prominent Buddhist leaders worldwide.

Tenzin Gyatso expressed sympathy for the Rohingya and repeatedly emphasized Buddhist teachings of compassion and nonviolence.

He urged Buddhists to remember that the Buddha would help suffering people regardless of their religion or ethnicity.

His statements reflected a broader view among many Buddhist leaders that violence against civilians contradicts fundamental Buddhist principles.

Refugee Life

Today, most Rohingya refugees remain displaced.

Large populations continue to live in camps in Bangladesh.

Life in the camps is challenging.

Residents face overcrowding, limited employment opportunities, vulnerability to natural disasters, and uncertain futures.

Many children have spent most or all of their lives in refugee settlements.

Opportunities for education and economic advancement remain restricted.

Efforts to repatriate refugees to Myanmar have repeatedly stalled because many Rohingya fear returning without guarantees of citizenship, security, and basic rights.

Is This a Clash Between Buddhism and Islam?

Many commentators caution against describing the Rohingya crisis simply as a conflict between Buddhism and Islam.

Religion is certainly part of the story, but it is not the whole story.

The conflict also involves:

Ethnic identity

Citizenship disputes

Colonial legacies

Competition over resources

Nationalism

Political power

Historical grievances

Security concerns

Many Buddhists oppose persecution of the Rohingya.

Many Muslims reject extremism and support peaceful coexistence.

Reducing the crisis to a religious confrontation risks overlooking the deeper structural and historical factors that have shaped events.

Lessons from the Rohingya Crisis

The Rohingya tragedy illustrates how questions of identity and belonging can become powerful sources of conflict.

When citizenship, ethnicity, religion, and national identity become tightly linked, minority groups may find themselves excluded from political and social life.

The crisis also demonstrates how fear and nationalism can override the ethical teachings of religious traditions. Buddhism’s principles of compassion and nonviolence remain widely respected around the world, yet political movements operating within Buddhist societies can sometimes diverge sharply from those ideals.

At the same time, the Rohingya experience highlights the importance of legal recognition, human rights protections, and inclusive citizenship policies in multicultural societies.

The conflict involving the Rohingya and sections of Myanmar’s Buddhist majority is one of the most complex and tragic disputes in modern Asia. Its roots stretch across centuries of migration, colonial rule, war, nationalism, and competing historical narratives.

While Buddhism itself teaches compassion, wisdom, and nonviolence, political movements that invoke Buddhist identity have at times contributed to hostility toward the Rohingya. The resulting crisis has left hundreds of thousands displaced, stateless, and uncertain about their future.

Understanding the Rohingya issue requires moving beyond simplistic assumptions about religion and examining the deeper historical, political, and social forces involved. Only by recognizing the humanity and dignity of all communities—Buddhist, Muslim, and otherwise—can meaningful reconciliation and lasting peace become possible.

Tim Alderman ©️ 2026

The New Genocide?

What is happening in Myanmar (Burma) is truly terrible, but seems to be a microcosm of events currently occuring in many corners of the world! A toxic mix of religious intolerance (religion, as always, causing problems, no matter its breed or creed!); intolerance of ethnicity (when are we going to accept others for just being what they are -people!); environmental vandalism (FFS leave things alone!); brought about by multi-national corporate greed! These huge, unethical, money-grabbing corporations are going to destroy us long before climate change does!; politics – a hedonistic institution at its best, destructive and nihilistic at its worst! Add media misinformation, and bias, into the mix, often stirring up trouble that was never there in the first place, and you have a sure recipe for disaster. This beautiful country, once famous for its ancient culture and tea, is now a place of potential genocide. This is how we manage to change beautiful landscapes into ruination! The following article sheds interesting insights into the current state of affairs in Myanmar.


Religion is not the only reason Rohingyas are being forced out of Myanmar
September 12, 2017 4.35am SAST

Updated September 19, 2017 3.43am SAST

 Giuseppe Forino, Jason von Meding, and Thomas Johnson

Minorities in Myanmar, including the Rohingya, are resilient in the face of persecution. Giuseppe Forino, Author provided
Recent weeks have seen an escalation of violence against the Rohingya in Rakhine, the poorest state of Myanmar. A tide of displaced people are seeking refuge from atrocities – they are fleeing both on foot and by boat to Bangladesh. It is the latest surge of displaced people, and is exacerbated by the recent activity of the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA).

Religious and ethnic differences have been widely considered the leading cause of the persecution. But it is becoming increasingly hard to believe that there are not other factors at play. Especially given that Myanmar is home to 135 official recognised ethnic groups (the Rohingya were removed from this list in 1982).
In analysing the recent violence, much of the western media has focused on the role of the military and the figure of the de facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi. Her status as a Nobel Peace prize laureate has been widely questioned since the latest evidence of atrocities emerged.
She continues to avoid condemning the systematic violence against the Rohingya. At least the media gaze has finally shifted somewhat towards their plight.
But there remain issues that are not being explored. It is also critical to look beyond religious and ethnic differences towards other root causes of persecution, vulnerability and displacement.
We must consider vested political and economic interests as contributing factors to forced displacement in Myanmar, not just of the Rohingya people but of other minorities such as the Kachin, the Shan, the Karen, the Chin, and the Mon.
Major ethnic groups in Myanmar. Al Jazeera

Land grabbing

Land grabbing and confiscation in Myanmar is widespread. It is not a new phenomenon.
Since the 1990s, military juntas have been taking away the land of smallholders across the country, without any compensation and regardless of ethnicity or religious status.
Land has often been acquired for “development” projects, including military base expansions, natural resource exploitation and extraction, large agriculture projects, infrastructure and tourism. For example, in Kachin state the military confiscated more than 500 acres of villagers’ land to support extensive gold mining.
Development has forcibly displaced thousands of people – both internally and across borders with Bangladesh, India, and Thailand – or compelled them to set out by sea to Indonesia, Malaysia and Australia.
In 2011, Myanmar instituted economic and political reforms that led it to be dubbed “Asia’s final frontier” as it opened up to foreign investment. Shortly afterwards, in 2012, violent attacks escalated against the Rohingya in Rakhine state and, to a lesser extent, against the Karen. Meanwhile, the government of Myanmar established several laws relating to the management and distribution of farmland.
These moves were severely criticised for reinforcing the ability of large corporations to profit from land grabs. For instance, agribusiness multinationals such as POSCO Daewoo have eagerly entered the market, contracted by the government.

A regional prize

Myanmar is positioned between countries that have long eyed its resources, such as China and India. Since the 1990s, Chinese companies have exploited timber, rivers and minerals in Shan State in the North.
This led to violent armed conflicts between the military regime and armed groups, including the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) and its ethnic allies in eastern Kachin State and northern Shan State.
In Rakhine State, Chinese and Indian interests are part of broader China-India relations. These interests revolve principally around the construction of infrastructure and pipelines in the region. Such projects claim to guarantee employment, transit fees and oil and gas revenues for the whole of Myanmar.
Among numerous development projects, a transnational pipeline built by China National Petroleum Company (CNPC) connecting Sittwe, the capital of Rakhine, to Kunming, China, began operations in September 2013. The wider efforts to take Myanmar oil and gas from the Shwe gas field to Guangzhou, China, are well documented.

Rohingya Muslims tell of gang rapes and secret killings in Myanmar’s hidden region

Pipeline from the Shwe gas field to China. The Shwe Gas Movement

A parallel pipeline is also expected to send Middle East oil from the Kyaukphyu port to China. However, the neutral Advisory Commission on Rakhine State has urged the Myanmar government to carry out a comprehensive impact assessment.

In fact, the Commission recognises that pipelines put local communities at risk. There is significant local tension related to land seizures, insufficient compensation for damages, environmental degradation, and an influx of foreign workers rather than increased local employment opportunities.
Meanwhile, the Sittwe deep-sea port was financed and constructed by India as part of the Kaladan Multi-modal Transit Transport Project. The aim is to connect the northeast Mizoram state in India with the Bay of Bengal.
Coastal areas of Rakhine State are clearly of strategic importance to both India and China. The government of Myanmar therefore has vested interests in clearing land to prepare for further development and to boost its already rapid economic growth.
All of this takes place within the wider context of geopolitical maneuvering. The role of Bangladesh in fuelling ethnic tensions is also hotly contested. In such power struggles, the human cost is terribly high.

Compounding the vulnerability of minorities

In Myanmar, the groups that fall victim to land grabbing have often started in an extremely vulnerable state and are left even worse off. The treatment of the Rohingya in Rakhine State is the highest profile example of broader expulsion that is inflicted on minorities.
When a group is marginalised and oppressed it is difficult to reduce their vulnerability and protect their rights, including their property. In the case of the Rohingya, their ability to protect their homes was decimated through the revocation of their Burmese citizenship.
Rohingya settlement near Sittwe. Thomas Johnson
Since the late 1970s around a million Rohingya have fled Myanmar to escape persecution. Tragically, they are often marginalised in their host countries.

With no country willing to take responsibility for them, they are either forced or encouraged to continuously cross borders. The techniques used to encourage this movement have trapped the Rohingya in a vulnerable state.
The tragedy of the Rohingya is part of a bigger picture which sees the oppression and displacement of minorities across Myanmar and into neighbouring countries.
The relevance and complexity of religious and ethnic issues in Myanmar are undeniable. But we cannot ignore the political and economic context and the root causes of displacement that often go undetected.

This article was amended after publication to correct the mislabelling of the Karen as Muslim.